if-then knots

… but then neither is property.

March 5, 2009 · 5 Comments

Writing at National Review Online’s “The Corner” conservative commentator Stephen Spruiell claims:

Health care is not a right, at least not according to the conception of rights upon which this country was founded. Your rights include life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. You may not be unjustly deprived of these things. Your rights do not include things that I or anyone else must be forced to provide for you, such as a home, a car, a job, or health care.

I would be surprised to find the founders univocal on the nature of rights, but I understand that the narrow conception of “negative rights” was historically important and represents a distinct concept of “right” from the one employed in claiming that health care or education is a right.  What I don’t think that Spruiell will like to admit is that “property rights” may well be argued to fall under the broader conception of “right” that includes positive rights.  Consider what Thomas Paine said in “Agrarian Justice”:

There could be no such thing as landed property originally. Man did not make the earth, and, though he had a natural right to occupy it, he had no right to locate as his property in perpetuity any part of it; neither did the Creator of the earth open a land-office, from whence the first title-deeds should issue. Whence then, arose the idea of landed property? I answer as before, that when cultivation began the idea of landed property began with it, from the impossibility of separating the improvement made by cultivation from the earth itself, upon which that improvement was made.

The value of the improvement so far exceeded the value of the natural earth, at that time, as to absorb it; till, in the end, the common right of all became confounded into the cultivated right of the individual. But there are, nevertheless, distinct species of rights, and will continue to be, so long as the earth endures.

Individual property rights are here recognized as “of a distinct species” from the “common right of all” to benefit from natural resources.  Paine is commenting directly on the Lockean standard and fairly clearly rejects it.  Continuing, Paine writes:

Cultivation is at least one of the greatest natural improvements ever made by human invention. It has given to created earth a tenfold value. But the landed monopoly that began with it has produced the greatest evil. It has dispossessed more than half the inhabitants of every nation of their natural inheritance, without providing for them, as ought to have been done, an indemnification for that loss, and has thereby created a species of poverty and wretchedness that did not exist before.

In advocating the case of the persons thus dispossessed, it is a right, and not a charity, that I am pleading for. But it is that kind of right which, being neglected at first, could not be brought forward afterwards till heaven had opened the way by a revolution in the system of government. Let us then do honor to revolutions by justice, and give currency to their principles by blessings.

The establishment by governments and quasi-governments of a regime of individual ownership has costs and benefits.  On the one hand, it creates the incentive to make the land more productive.  On the other hand, it creates an elite class of property owners and deprives others of opportunity to use resources that are naturally held in common.  As a remedy, Paine proposes a tax on property owners to redistribute goods to those that are deprived by the system of private ownership.  Indeed, if we follow Paine, it would seem that the redistributive scheme is justified by a right more basic than the system of private ownership.  The system of private ownership has a purely utilitarian justification: viz., it creates incentive to increase land productivity.  The redistributive correction of the negative and unintended consequences, on the other hand, is justified by appeal to a fundamental natural right of common propoerty, characterized thusly by Paine:

It is a position not to be controverted that the earth, in its natural, cultivated state was, and ever would have continued to be, the common property of the human race. In that state every man would have been born to property. He would have been a joint life proprietor with rest in the property of the soil, and in all its natural productions, vegetable and animal.

It may be controverted that others of the founders did not share Paine’s outlook, one that blurs the distinction between landlord and government in ways that would discomfort contemporary American libertarians (and those conservatives that pretend to be libertarians whenever it suits them).  I can’t say that I have a terrific grasp of every one of the founders’ views on “rights” and I won’t pretend (as Spruiell does) that I do.  Nevertheless, I find much to recommend in Paine’s outlook.  On this view, individual property rights are (again) “of a distinct species” from what we might call natural rights.  They are justified by their positive consequences, but to the extent that they also have negative effects by limiting every non-owner’s natural right to freely use the earth’s resources to sustain his or her life and to pursue happiness, I am with Paine that government is not only justified but obligated to provide compensation.  Taxation supported public services like health, education, welfare, and infrastructure fulfill this obligation.

Categories: philosophy
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5 responses so far ↓

  • Stephen Taylor // March 5, 2009 at 7:32 pm

    Jeremy,
    I get the technicalities of your argument, even though they were exhausting to review. As a physician on the front lines who spent some years in emergency rooms, I find the whole argument of whether health care is a right or a privilege tedious. The fact is that we as a nation, a state, a county do provide health care to all comers. The real issue is how are we going to provide that care. Episodic emergent care is very expensive and uses tremendous resources. By comparison, preventive care through a family doctor, is cheap and keeps people out of emergency departments.
    Also, sick people are not productive. As an example, the treatment and lost work days related to low back pain cost our society $60-70 billion dollars a year. The financial loss related to lifestyle associated diseases like smoking, obesity, lack of exercise, stress and excess alcohol intake are mind boggling.
    We are all in this together whether we want to be or not. When you smoke and overeat and don’t take your medicine as directed you may call that free choice, but in your Medicare years we all pay for your “free choices” in increased taxes to pay for your care.
    Arguing over whether health care is a right is simply a marketing ploy by the republican lie machine. These are the same people whose “free market” religion we are now paying for in bailing out bad financial institutions.

  • jrshipley // March 5, 2009 at 8:11 pm

    Thanks for commenting Stephen. I agree with everything you say. My post was sort of narrowly focused to respond to the ideological position held by Spruiell, so I welcome the addition of some detail to the practical and empirical case to be made for reform. I can certainly understand how the ideological debate can seem tedious.

  • From If-Then Knots: Health Care Is Not A Right…But Then Neither Is Property? « Chris Navin // March 5, 2009 at 10:14 pm

    [...] From If-Then Knots: Health Care Is Not A Right…But Then Neither Is Property? Filed under: Current Events, Philosophy, Politics, Public Debate — chr1 @ 9:13 pm Tags: Health Care, If-Then Knots, John Locke, Political Philosophy, Rousseau Full post here. [...]

  • Susan Pashkoff // March 6, 2009 at 10:42 am

    From Locke’s Second treatise on Government, chapter 5 “Of Property” from the Cambridge University Press, edited by Peter Lassiter, 1960.

    Locke literally opens the discussion on Property with the following, it is important that he appeals to both Reason and Revelation; we can reason morality, it is an important step forward as we do not only need to look for revelation and the bible for moral answers:

    “Whether we consider natural Reason, which tells us, that Men, being once born, have a right to their Preservation, and consequently to Meat and Drink, and such other things, as nature affords for their Subsistence: or Revelation, which gives us an account of those Grand God made of the world to Adam, and to Noah, and his Sons, ‘tis very clear, that God as King David says, Psal. CXV.xvj has given the Earth to the Children of Men, given it to Mankind in common (Locke, 1698, paragraph 25, p. 286).”

    I am following his closely so you can see the development of his argument. He continues in the next paragraph, trying to explain that even though the earth is common property, what is it that a person can use that which nature itself has produced and hence remove from common property so that they can use it for the continuation of life.

    “God, who hath given the World for Men in common, hath also given them reason to make use of it to the best advantage of Life, and convenience. The Earth, and all that is therein, is given to Men for the Support and Comfort of their being. And though all the Fruits it naturally produces, and Beasts it feeds, belong to Mankind in common, as they are produced by the spontaneous hand of Nature, and no body has originally a private Dominion, exclusive of the rest of Mankind, in any of them, as they are thus in their natural state: yet being given for the use of Men, there must of necessity be a means to appropriate them some what or other before they can be of any use, or at all beneficial to any particular Man. The Fruit, or Venison, which nourishes the wild Indian, who knows no Inclosure, and is still a Tenant in common, must be his, and so his, i.e., a part of him, that another can no longer have any right to it, before it can do him any good for the support of his Life (paragraph 26, p. 286).”

    He now is ready to advance his argument that he uses to justify universal suffrage and to oppose slavery; this is the idea that all human beings have property in their own bodies and that which they put their labour to is by right theirs. Note the point at the end about how this property is fine as long as there is something that is just as good left for other people, so you cannot just take all the good stuff for yourself and leave only bad things behind for others, you take what need to live only, and leave the rest behind.

    “Though the Earth, and all inferior Creatures be common to all Men, yet every Man has a Property in his own Person. This no Body has any Right to but himself. The Labour of his Body, and the Work of his Hands, we may say, are properly his. Whatsoever then he removes out of the State that Nature hath provided, and left in it, he hath mixed his Labour with, and joined to it something that is his own, and thereby make it his Property. It being by him removed from the common state Nature placed it in, it hath by this labour something annexed to it, that excludes the common right of other Men. For this Labour being the unquestionable Property of the Labourer, no Man but he can have a right to what is once joined to, at least where there is enough, and as good left in common for others (paragraph 27, pp 287-8).”

    Now, that we have the initial principle, let’s move on a bit, as he has explained the basis of private property, but he has to place limits on it and those limits come down to, the right of subsistence of others:

    “The measure of Property, Nature has well set, by the Extent of Mens Labour, and the Conveniency of Life : No Mans Labour could subdue, or appropriate all: not could his Enjoyment consume more than a small part; so that it was impossible for any Man, this way, to intrench on the right of another, or acquire, to himself, a Property to the Prejudice of his Neighbour, who would still have room, for as good, and as large a Possession (after the other had taken out his) as before it was appropriated. This measure did confine every Man’s Possession, to a very moderate Proportion, and such as he might appropriate to himself, without Injury to anybody in the first Ages of the World, when Men were more in danger to be lost, by wandering from their Company, in the then vast Wilderness of the Earth, than to be strained for want of room to plant in. And the same measure may be allowed still, without prejudice to any Body, as full as the world seems. […] (paragraph 36, pp 292-3).”

    Locke develops the argument and puts the blame upon Compact and Agreement for the entrenchment of the property, the other thing he holds responsible was the invention of money. Let’s discuss civil society, you see that it is by agreement that men have accepted the use of money leading to inequality, this was then preserved when they entered into civil society and the law has kept that inequality. However, this does not overturn the fact that we have a right to subsistence as part of the right to life, even with the existence of inequality deriving from compact and agreement and money that is our right.

    “And thus came in the use of Money, some lasting thing that Men might keep without spoiling, and that by mutual consent Men would take in exchange for the truly useful, but perishable Supports of Life (paragraph 47, p 300-1).”

    “But since Gold and Silver, being little useful to the Life of Man in proportion to Food, Rayment and Carriage, has its value only from the consent of Men, whereof Labour yet makes, in great part, the measure, it is plain, that Men have agreed to disproportionate and unequal Possession of the Earth, they having by a tacit and voluntary consent found a way, how a man may fairly possess more land than he himself can use the product of, by receiving in exchange for the overplus. Gold and silver, which may be hoard up without injury to any one, these metals not spoileing or decaying in the hands of the possessor. This partage of things, in an inequality of private possession, men have made practicable out of the bound of Societie, and without compact, only by putting a value on gold and silver and tacitly agreeing in the use of Money. For in Governments, the Laws regulate the right of property, and the possession of land is determined by positive constitutions (paragraph 50, pp 301-2).”

    Here is the last paragraph from the chapter:

    “And thus, I think, it is very easie to conceive without any difficulty, how Labour could at first begin a title of Property in the common things of Nature, and how the spending it upon out uses bounded it. So that there could then be no reason of quarrelling about Title, nor any doubt about the largeness of Possession it gave. Right and conveniency went together; for as a Man had a Right to all he could imploy his Labour upon, so he had not temptation to labour for more than he could make use of. This left no room for Controversie about the Title, nor for Incroachment on the Right of others, what Portion a Man carved to himself, was easily seen; and it was useless as well as dishonest to carve himself too much, or take more than he needed (paragraph 51, p. 302).”

    I cannot find my book by Tully (my study is a mess). But he explains in detail why this right cannot be overturned as it is a basic natural right.

    Here is my post from last night:

    There are serious discussions among Locke scholars as to whether Locke has a property in use argument only. It is 2am here and I do not have time to get the quotes from Locke from the Two Treatises on Government to support what I am saying, but also see the work of James Tully http://en.wikipedia.org/... among others who endorse this perspective on Locke.

    Locke identifies as part of the natural right of life, the right of ensuring your life by ensuring your subsistence.
    Locke begins his discussion of the fact that human beings have property in their own bodies, this property is non-transferable and not able to be alienated. He is going to use this argument to support his call for universal suffrage and against slavery, the first as everyone has property in their own body and the second as that ownership cannot be transferred or stolen. From this argument, Locke proceeds to state as a direct attack against Filmer, that the earth is the common property of all mankind. Given our property in our own bodies, anything we put our body to use with or the labour of our bodies to use with, we can argue is ours by right. Here Locke is discussing the fact that if we use our labour to produce something it is our property. Moreover, Locke argues that we can only use that which we need to ensure our own subsistence and not more. This is quite clear in his discussions of the state of nature. One thing that Locke argues against Grotius is that the rights we have in the state of nature cannot be taken away from us when we enter into civil society as he sees civil society as a social contract. We can allow the state to pursue those rights in our name, but they cannot take away those rights. So, if our property in our body is non-transferable in the state of nature and cannot be alienated from us, the state in a civil society cannot make us slaves or property.

    I do not think that Locke has a property in perpetuity, as he clearly states that property is tied to use to ensure your subsistence as ensuring your life is a natural right. Property in perpetuity means that you would be taking away another person’s right to do the same given the limited resources on the earth.
    In Paine’s discussions in Common Sense, he does clearly follow Locke’s argument on property; he is a radical Lockean like Thomas Hodgskin, but he is a Lockean.

    Economists following Locke’s argument on the right to subsistence, like the Physiocrats, argued that the primary role of the state is to ensure the subsistence of the population.

    I did some research on the right of subsistence in Locke followed by a discussion of how this plays out in classical economic analysis. It was presented in 1997 as part of the Vincentian Chair of Social Justice Presentations at ST. Johns University which used to be run by Sister Margaret John Kelly (I am unsure if she is still running the centre). If you are interested and it would be of help, the number of the centre at St Johns is 718 990-1612, they can provide a copy of the piece to you.

  • jrshipley // March 6, 2009 at 4:10 pm

    Thank you so much Susan. (I hope and assume you don’t mind my adding blockquotes to make your comment more readable).

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